Every national election, calls to end political dynasties grow louder. Voters are urged to focus on candidates’ platforms and qualifications rather than bloodlines. Yet, once ballots are tallied, these efforts often feel futile.
Although the 2025 Midterm Elections last May 12 saw a few long-standing clans get toppled, these dynasties still dominated gubernatorial and municipal races. Furthermore, every city in Metro Manila has elected mayors who came from a political clan, according to the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism; while 71 out of 82 provincial governments are still under dynastic control.
DLSU Departamento ng Filipino lecturer Juniesy Estanislao traced this persistence to what he described as “Cacique Democracy,” where entrenched political families govern provinces and cities like feudal lords. Through legislative loopholes, weak competition, and political maneuvering, these families preserve their control while grassroots efforts struggle to break through and face uphill battles.
Written in the constitution, not in legislation
Under Article II, Section 26 of the 1987 Constitution, political dynasties are prohibited. But without enabling legislation, the ban has never been implemented, allowing dynasties to still take hold, Estanislao pointed out.
In an interview with The LaSallian, these sentiments were echoed by Taroma* from Lubao, Pampanga—a city long ruled by the Pineda family dynasty.
“They [the Pinedas] take turns in running for different positions and help each other win,” noting how the Pinedas utilize popularity, wealth, and connections to rotate power among relatives.
Some dynasties, however, adapt through alliances. When a family runs out of eligible members, they form pacts with other clans to preserve influence.
In Santa Rosa City, Laguna, local politics have long been controlled by the Arcillas family. Yana*, a resident from the area, described how the family had a history of allying with other influential families, such as the Fernandez clan.
Rico*, another Sta. Rosa City resident explained how this partnership worked to maximize term limits and extend power: “When an Arcillas mayor finished their maximum term as mayor, ang ipapalit naman po nila is ‘yung Fernandez family,” Rico stated.
(When an Arcillas mayor finished their maximum term as mayor, the replacement would be the Fernandez family.)
These political maneuvers leave voters with no choice but to vote for members of the clan or their allies.
“Sila’t sila lang lagi ‘yung majority ng choices talaga. Walang other options…I don’t see competitors standing a chance against [them] kasi parang sila na ‘yung mukha ng Santa Rosa,” Yana said.
(They’re always the majority among our choices. There’s no other option…I don’t see competitors standing a chance against [them] because they’ve become the face of Santa Rosa.)
Yana added that the two families fell out before the 2025 Midterm Elections, with the Arcillas family becoming allies with the Gonzalez family instead. In the race for Laguna governor, former Arcillas ally Danilo Fernandez ran against the LAKAS-CMD-backed slate of Ruth Hernandez for governor and Arlene Arcillas for mayor.
Gaming the system
Beyond the absence of an anti-dynasty law, political dynasties also use existing structures like the Local Government Code (LGC) of 1991 to strengthen their influence, enhancing their presence in city and regional governments.
“The principal author [of the code] is also part of a political dynasty: Aquilino Pimentel,” Estanisalo commented.
The LGC’s promise of local autonomy and greater access to resources made elected positions more attractive for political clans. Although these were meant to promote civic participation and community engagement, the loopholes allowed dynasties to exploit them for political objectives.
Estanislao also pointed to the party-list system as another tool abused by political dynasties. According to a report by election watchdog Kontra Daya, 70 percent of 2022 party-list groups were connected to political clans, large corporations, and other external powers.
One prime example, according to Estanislao, is the Tulfo clan-run Anti-Crime and Terrorism Community Involvement and Support Inc. Party-list, which is staffed largely by members of the Tulfo clan. Estanislao calls this a form of “political backsliding,” where dynasties “gatekeep” positions of power and erode democracy by providing voters only the illusion of choice.
Legislation: not a silver bullet
The persistence of these issues shows how legislation is not a silver bullet that can dismantle dynasties overnight. While Estanilao emphasized the importance of establishing anti-dynasty policies, reforming the party-list system, and amending the LGC are important steps. Still, he contends that the rule of political clans is deeply ingrained historically and culturally in Filipinos, and that it will take deep cultural and societal change to solve the problem.
Yana cautioned that efforts to unseat the Arcillas family could face resistance from Santa Rosa City citizens. She revealed that some student organizations in the city receive funding from the Arcillas administration and that this kind of entrenched influence—where clans provide selective support for loyalty maintenance—mirrors broader patterns in the government.
Estanislao also warned of the inevitable tension that could arise. Citizens loyal to dynastic families may equate anti-dynastic measures with anti-democratic obstacles. However, Estanislao explains that such legislation is far from undemocratic and that the real threat to democracy is the dynasties themselves.
Cracks in the foundation
Although dynasties dominate Philippine politics, the recent defeats of clans like the Garcias in Cebu and the Villars in Las Piñas indicate a potential shift, with analysts investigating the cause of these key defeats.
For Estanislao, the youth vote played a major role in these results. He recognized that Generation Z and Millennial voters seem to prefer progressive politics, which may be pivotal in the future dethronement of political dynasties. He further remarked that the youth are the “swing votes,” who would be responsible for changing the direction of future elections, since their results will depend on the youth’s choice.
*Names with asterisks (*) are pseudonyms.
This article was published in The LaSallian‘s Marcos Presidency Midterm Special. To read more, visit bit.ly/TLSMarcosMidtermSpecial.
