The LaSallian

Category: University

  • Philrights reviews the state of human rights in the Philippines

    Philrights reviews the state of human rights in the Philippines

    Ordinary Filipinos continue to suffer from the state’s complicity in human rights violations and social injustice, the Philippine Human Rights Information Center (PhilRights) reported during the launch of “Langit Lupa: 2025 Human Rights Situationer Report,” held at Max’s Restaurant, Quezon Memorial Circle, Quezon City, on December 11. 

    Headlining the event were PhilRights Executive Director and Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA) Chairperson Nymia Pimentel-Simbulan, PhilRights Partner Community Representative Ate CM, and PAHRA Secretary-General Edgardo Cabalitan, who discussed the abuses and systemic neglect experienced by everyday Filipinos. 

    The state of the nation

    Amid public outcry against rampant graft and corruption, the report traced the crime’s connection to human rights violations, with Simbulan noting how people from partner communities, specifically in Navotas, had their livelihoods threatened by reclamations legitimized by the government. Meanwhile, in San Jose Del Monte, several families have been forced to relocate to areas detached from work opportunities, where water is commodified by companies owned by public officials. These issues, combined with a lack of access to proper medical care and an insufficient number of doctors and medicines, are products of the fulfillment of the state’s promise of adequate homes, which ultimately does not solve the housing shortage. 

    The report also went over how the third year of Marcos Jr.’s administration saw extrajudicial killings (EJKs) persist in quieter and more discreet ways, despite Marcos’ campaign promises of a “bloodless” war on drugs. PhilRights documented 12 drug-related EJKs in the current administration and a 56-percent increase in drug-related illegal arrests. Four cases of EJKs notably involved five human rights defenders from January to June 2025, including Ali Macalintal, a transgender activist and former broadcaster.

    “The Philippines is caught in between pressures from the United States and China… in the middle of all this, human rights defenders continue to face attacks under the current administration and beyond Philippine borders,” Simbulan remarked. 

    Disasters in the regions

    In a video statement, Chadwick Llanos, director of administration of the Sectoral Transparency Alliance on National Resource Governance in Cebu and the representative of PAHRA Visayas, redirects the spotlight on the recent disasters in Cebu. 

    “This suggests [that the continuous earthquakes and typhoons are] not purely natural. It is the direct consequence of a dual systematic failure of environmental stewardship and [a] profound crisis of governance.”

    To Llanos, infrastructure in the Philippines is “useless, […] substandard, and non-existent” because of corruption, emphasizing that it has been a long-standing and recurring cycle, preventing longer-term management or sustainable economic growth.

    Meanwhile, PAHRA Representative from Mindanao Valtimore Fenis, from Alyansa ng Mamamyan para sa Karapatang Pantao, expressed his frustration over the constant delays in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao’s first parliamentary elections, which have been delayed since 2022 and are now scheduled on March 30, 2026.

    Fenis remarked that the delays were based on the interests of Malacañang, which does not help, as it further puts the rights of the people at risk.

    These worries were echoed by Ate CM, a PhilRights representative under a pseudonym from its partner community in Navotas. She recalled that while living in a danger zone, she felt that she and the people in her community were not able to fully enjoy their rights, as a result of policies enforced in the area. 

    Ate CM narrated an instance where her family was sent to an evacuation center far from their home in the middle of chest-deep flood because the local government unit had a project that damaged a floodgate.

    She revealed that those living in the area would have up to three violations before they were served eviction letters, with many having already left. Ate CM recounted a case where a family was handed such a penalty. This was done to a family whose mother worked abroad, leaving the children to contend with it alone. The children would lock their doors, afraid that stepping outside would get them killed. 

    Nevertheless, the community took action, mobilizing to help the children so they could receive aid. The residents took to the streets against the removal of a fence in the property, which served as their protection for the household. 

    She also called attention to damage done by private companies like the San Miguel Corporation’s reclamations in the area, highlighting how San Miguel Corporation hindered her community’s livelihood based on looking for crabs by granting them only P40 to P50, barely enough for daily expenses. Many of the youth have dropped out of school to help their families because of this. 

    Despite the sense of fear these instilled, Ate CM called for continued resistance. “Maging matapang, magpadokumento at makibahagi sa PhilRights po… Lahat ng karapatan ay para sa lahat.”

    (Be brave, document, and share with PhilRights… all rights are for everyone.)

    Cabalitan remarked that people’s response needs urgency, with the constantly shifting political landscape affecting all. He gave Vice President Sara Duterte’s impeachment and former Congressman Zaldy Co’s confessions as examples of corruption in broad daylight, which led to louder calls for resignation and full accountability. 

    He underscored the youth’s role in reacting against corruption and abuses. “Pagod na po ang mga kabataan sa politikong eskandalo ng nakaw, ghost projects, misuse of funds o korupsyon.”

    (The youth are tired of the political scandals of stealing, ghost projects, misuse of funds, or corruption.)

    With a maturing youth sector set to have the biggest voting power in the 2028 National Elections, Cabalitan urged them to organize, empower, and begin the movement as early as now. 

    He reinforced the nationwide call for those involved in large-scale corruption to step down immediately, and to establish a “people’s transition council” composed of representatives from different sectors. Cabalitan also echoed the bigger call for all those involved to be held accountable.

    Labor leader Luke Espiritu delivered the closing remarks, blaming former President Rodrigo Duterte as the reason for the country’s declining standards of human rights because of the proliferation of inhumane policies during his term. 

    Espiritu described the former president as a product of the continued prevalence of dynasties in politics that act with impunity and engage in widespread calls for the passing of the Anti-Dynasty bill in Congress and for direct intervention from the people. 

    As the Filipino people continue to grow restless and speak out against social injustice, the rage against human rights abuses continues to grow stronger. Amid pressures and struggles, the shared resistance of the masses calls for concrete government action, which could bring heaven on earth closer to them. 

  • Revolving doors: inside the dynastic alliances that endured the Midterm Elections

    Revolving doors: inside the dynastic alliances that endured the Midterm Elections

    Every national election, calls to end political dynasties grow louder. Voters are urged to focus on candidates’ platforms and qualifications rather than bloodlines. Yet, once ballots are tallied, these efforts often feel futile. 

    Although the 2025 Midterm Elections last May 12 saw a few long-standing clans get toppled, these dynasties still dominated gubernatorial and municipal races. Furthermore, every city in Metro Manila has elected mayors who came from a political clan, according to the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism; while 71 out of 82 provincial governments are still under dynastic control.

    DLSU Departamento ng Filipino lecturer Juniesy Estanislao traced this persistence to what he described as “Cacique Democracy,” where entrenched political families govern provinces and cities like feudal lords. Through legislative loopholes, weak competition, and political maneuvering, these families preserve their control while grassroots efforts struggle to break through and face uphill battles.

    Written in the constitution, not in legislation

    Through family ties or political alliances, members of political dynasties continue to sit comfortably at the top.

    Under Article II, Section 26 of the 1987 Constitution, political dynasties are prohibited. But without enabling legislation, the ban has never been implemented, allowing dynasties to still take hold, Estanislao pointed out.

    In an interview with The LaSallian, these sentiments were echoed by Taroma* from Lubao, Pampanga—a city long ruled by the Pineda family dynasty. 

    “They [the Pinedas] take turns in running for different positions and help each other win,” noting how the Pinedas utilize popularity, wealth, and connections to rotate power among relatives. 

    Some dynasties, however, adapt through alliances. When a family runs out of eligible members, they form pacts with other clans to preserve influence.

    In Santa Rosa City, Laguna, local politics have long been controlled by the Arcillas family. Yana*, a resident from the area, described how the family had a history of allying with other influential families, such as the Fernandez clan. 

    Rico*, another Sta. Rosa City resident explained how this partnership worked to maximize term limits and extend power: “When an Arcillas mayor finished their maximum term as mayor, ang ipapalit naman po nila is ‘yung Fernandez family,” Rico stated.

    (When an Arcillas mayor finished their maximum term as mayor, the replacement would be the Fernandez family.)

    These political maneuvers leave voters with no choice but to vote for members of the clan or their allies.

    “Sila’t sila lang lagi ‘yung majority ng choices talaga. Walang other options…I don’t see competitors standing a chance against [them] kasi parang sila na ‘yung mukha ng Santa Rosa,” Yana said.

    (They’re always the majority among our choices. There’s no other option…I don’t see competitors standing a chance against [them] because they’ve become the face of Santa Rosa.)

    Yana added that the two families fell out before the 2025 Midterm Elections, with the Arcillas family becoming allies with the Gonzalez family instead. In the race for Laguna governor, former Arcillas ally Danilo Fernandez ran against the LAKAS-CMD-backed slate of Ruth Hernandez for governor and Arlene Arcillas for mayor.

    Gaming the system

    Beyond the absence of an anti-dynasty law, political dynasties also use existing structures like the Local Government Code (LGC) of 1991 to strengthen their influence, enhancing their presence in city and regional governments. 

    “The principal author [of the code] is also part of a political dynasty: Aquilino Pimentel,” Estanisalo commented.

    The LGC’s promise of local autonomy and greater access to resources made elected positions more attractive for political clans. Although these were meant to promote civic participation and community engagement, the loopholes allowed dynasties to exploit them for political objectives.

    Estanislao also pointed to the party-list system as another tool abused by political dynasties. According to a report by election watchdog Kontra Daya, 70 percent of 2022 party-list groups were connected to political clans, large corporations, and other external powers.

    One prime example, according to Estanislao, is the Tulfo clan-run Anti-Crime and Terrorism Community Involvement and Support Inc. Party-list, which is staffed largely by members of the Tulfo clan. Estanislao calls this a form of “political backsliding,” where dynasties “gatekeep” positions of power and erode democracy by providing voters only the illusion of choice.

    Legislation: not a silver bullet

    The persistence of these issues shows how legislation is not a silver bullet that can dismantle dynasties overnight. While Estanilao emphasized the importance of establishing anti-dynasty policies, reforming the party-list system, and amending the LGC are important steps. Still, he contends that the rule of political clans is deeply ingrained historically and culturally in Filipinos, and that it will take deep cultural and societal change to solve the problem.

    Yana cautioned that efforts to unseat the Arcillas family could face resistance from Santa Rosa City citizens. She revealed that some student organizations in the city receive funding from the Arcillas administration and that this kind of entrenched influence—where clans provide selective support for loyalty maintenance—mirrors broader patterns in the government. 

    Estanislao also warned of the inevitable tension that could arise. Citizens loyal to dynastic families may equate anti-dynastic measures with anti-democratic obstacles. However, Estanislao explains that such legislation is far from undemocratic and that the real threat to democracy is the dynasties themselves.

    Cracks in the foundation

    Although dynasties dominate Philippine politics, the recent defeats of clans like the Garcias in Cebu and the Villars in Las Piñas indicate a potential shift, with analysts investigating the cause of these key defeats.

    For Estanislao, the youth vote played a major role in these results. He recognized that Generation Z and Millennial voters seem to prefer progressive politics, which may be pivotal in the future dethronement of political dynasties. He further remarked that the youth are the “swing votes,” who would be responsible for changing the direction of future elections, since their results will depend on the youth’s choice. 

    *Names with asterisks (*) are pseudonyms.

    This article was published in The LaSallian‘s Marcos Presidency Midterm Special. To read more, visit bit.ly/TLSMarcosMidtermSpecial.

  • Commentary: Is it corruption that governs us?

    Commentary: Is it corruption that governs us?

    For a country whose democratic system is meant to elect leaders on the promise of good governance, the Philippines ceaselessly finds itself drowning in the familiar tide of corruption that each administration swears to end. 

    This year, countless government officials and contractors have been exposed for pocketing public funds. The political scandals publicized every few months are no longer new instances, but rather issues that continue to reveal the cracks in an already rotting system, amplifying the absence of accountability to punish those who abuse their power. 

    ITransparency National’s 2025 corruption perception index ranks the country 114th out of the 180 countries scored, reflecting how corruption has become an inevitable part of the state’s leadership.

    This phenomenon has become more obvious, especially as the country deals with the widespread controversy over “ghost” flood control projects. However, its continued prevalence, despite continued calls for justice and accountability, makes Filipinos wonder if corruption has not just infiltrated the government but superseded it. 

    The incessant flood of graft and corruption continues to drain funds meant for essential public services.

    A legacy of stolen wealth

    Corruption, in its many forms, has long shaped the country’s political landscape more than any policy ever has. 

    Long before today’s headlines, the Philippines endured a dictatorship marked by billions of ill-gotten wealth enjoyed by a sole family during the country’s so-called “golden age.” Political repression and human rights violations were rampant, with thousands of lives lost due to state-sanctioned violence and disappearances. 

    Families were left to navigate poverty and economic instability as public funds were hoarded by the Marcoses before they left the country in 1986. This theft alone was considered the “Greatest Robbery of a Government” by the Guinness World Records, exemplifying the unprecedented greed, impunity, and blatant abuse of power that defined the first Marcos regime.

    Meanwhile, in 2013, the pork barrel scam, where Janet Lim Napoles and her accomplices pocketed P10-billion worth of Priority Development Assistance Funds from lawmakers, involved politicians who claimed that public projects were being carried out—even though there weren’t any—in exchange for rewards or “kickbacks.” 

    The case demonstrates the weaknesses in the system as similar schemes continue to arise, showing that structural reforms have yet to address the root causes of corruption in the country.

    A legacy that continues today

    In recent years, corruption has disguised itself in the form of undisclosed national budget allocations, such as in the case of Vice President Sara Duterte’s confidential funds and the flood control controversies.

    The alleged misuse of confidential funds by Sara Duterte was first discovered in July 2023, when P125 million was spent in just 11 days by her office. Duterte also requested a whopping P650 million when she previously served as the Department of Education Secretary, but it was later declined by the House of Representatives due to the criticism she received for her spending.

    What made the situation more alarming was that the confidential funds’ recipients were composed of nonexistent individuals with food-themed aliases like “Mary Grace Piattos” and “Kokoy Villamin.” The fact that it was done in a blatantly obvious manner showed how weak our mechanisms against corruption were and how normalized it had become.

    Amid the finger-pointing and scrutiny, Duterte and those reportedly involved have yet to face any legal repercussions, despite all the evidence and public outcry. After this anomaly, new issues began to unfold, extending to the recent flood control scandals gripping the nation.

    In his 2025 State of the Nation Address, President Ferdinand  Marcos Jr. ordered an investigation into flood control projects that were “started or completed within the last three years.” This prompted a series of investigations, which led to the inspection of substandard works in various provinces, especially the “ghost” project hotbed of Bulacan, where prominent contractors like St. Timothy Construction Corporation, owned by a couple, Sarah and Curlee Discaya, had numerous government contracts.

    The staggering number of typhoons that ravaged the Philippines further exposed the issue of the low-grade flood control projects. Widespread flooding and a death toll of 150 hit Cebu during Typhoon Tino, in which the substandard and unfinished projects in the region were quickly identified as contributing factors. The Independent Commission for Infrastructure (ICI) has since started an investigation together with inspections by the Department of Public Works and Highways to thoroughly identify the deficiencies.

    These investigations have already named Sens. Jinggoy Estrada, Chiz Escudero, Joel Villanueva, and Makati City Mayor Nancy Binay, Education Secretary Sonny Angara, and former Sens. Bong Revilla and Grace Poe, and several congressmen, all of whom have denied the accusations, despite investigation findings in the Senate’s Blue Ribbon Committee and ICI hearings. There is also the matter of the private contractors who partnered with corrupt officials to partake in this robbery of public funds.

    Despite the walkouts and marches organized by everyday Filipinos for transparency, not one official has been held accountable. Instead, these initiatives have only been answered with public servants denying involvement and passing the blame among the Marcos- and Duterte-aligned camps.

    When corruption becomes so ingrained in public service that even legal systems fail to bring prosecutions and meaningful change, Filipinos are left to ask: what avenues remain to achieve a government where structural reforms are upheld, transparency is non-negotiable, and public trust is genuinely valued? These aspirations should never have been difficult to attain. They should be the baseline for anyone seeking public office—not exceptional, not aspirational, but the standard of political leadership.

    This article was published in The LaSallian‘s Marcos Presidency Midterm Special. To read more, visit bit.ly/TLSMarcosMidtermSpecial.

  • Writer’s Recap: Gaza’s fractured voices reach DLSU in ‘Stories of Displacement: Palestine & Beyond’

    Writer’s Recap: Gaza’s fractured voices reach DLSU in ‘Stories of Displacement: Palestine & Beyond’

    EDITOR’S NOTE: The following article contains themes of violence, post-traumatic stress, and death. Reader discretion is advised.

    As images of rubble and mourning saturated screens across the globe, the University offered space for the stories behind them. Last June 20, the Palestine Collective—in collaboration with DLSU Southeast Asia Research Center and Hub, the College of Liberal Arts, the Office of Student Leadership Involvement, Formation and Empowerment, and the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy—hosted Stories of Displacement: Palestine & Beyond, bridging global grief with local memory.

    Students, faculty, and advocates gathered at the Philippe Jones Lhuillier Conference Room for a half-day dialogue on the human cost of the ongoing genocide in Gaza. More than a forum, it was a congress of voices that refused to be silent. Through testimonies and analyses, the event wove stories from Gaza into the Filipino experience of conflict, migration, and survival.

    Amplifying a voice for hope

    A story that took center stage that day was Mahadia Abu Dalal’s, a Filipino-Palestinian educator who was displaced to Batangas, as she recalled how her life in a Gaza refugee camp took a different turn the moment the bombs fell. She had a colossal task: identifying her deceased students’ limbs while also consoling their classmates during class. Their childhoods, she realized, would never be the same.

    She narrated an instance when one of her fourth-grade students expressed hopelessness as he witnessed her father’s passing: “He told me, ‘So if we escape, what will we do? Nowhere is safe. Where are you going to take us? We’re going to die anyways.’”

    Seeing the documentary From Ground Zero helped her find hope in her people. The 22-diaristic film compilation of Gazan stories painted humanity over the ruins, giving justice to her students as a reclamation of the Palestinian voice.

    “We always used to say that art is our borderless passport, [it] takes you [to] places that you can’t go. A film like that gives a voice to the silenced people. It asserts our existence,” she posited.

    Her status as a Filipino-Palestinian permitted her to flee the warzone with a foreign passport. However, guilt lingered. Her community, including her pure Palestinian husband and relatives, without such privilege, was left behind.

    In closing, Dalal asserted that “to be biased is not [always] a bad thing,” especially in the face of iniquity. “But make sure to be biased on the side of justice, dignity, and humanity—then you will understand how the world works. Then you will understand the suffering of others.”

    Seeking the solution for ‘coexistence’

    What followed was a panel discussion of insights on the ongoing war starting with United Nations (UN) Resident Coordinator of the Philippines Arnaud Peral who shared how the UN has been in circles pushing for the two-state solution, a contentious proposal that safeguards Palestine as an independent state and its right to self-determination, helping to avoid a “greater system of violations [on] these incremental rights.”

    However, Ambassador of Palestine to the Philippines Mounir Anastas pointed out that Israel’s actions make their answer clear. Even with a one-state solution, which seeks to unify both Palestinians and Israelis as an encompassing state, they are adamant in refusing the very existence of a Palestinian.

    Carrying the voices of the millions of displaced Palestinians, Anastas stands firm on their nation’s truth of these injustices: they’re committing genocide, segregation, and displacement within Israel’s intentions. “We consider truth and rights as the most powerful weapon[s] that we possess. And Israel can never possess such a weapon.”

    As state actors and institutions navigate deadlocks, civil society steps in to amplify awareness and push for action. Co-founder Lobna Abu-Hmaidan of youth-led community care group Handala Project PH stressed the role of education and collective consciousness in driving policy change. “The civil society…plays a really big impact on how government policies change and how policies overall in the country evolve.”

    She also emphasized collective action, thus the need to “grow more and more young individuals to actually know about the Palestinian cause.” Knowledge, she said, is essential because knowing what to fight for fuels the drive to take a stand.

    Solidarity beyond statements

    While the forum focused on Palestine, the accounts of exile, loss, and persistence did not feel foreign; they echoed in the lives of Filipinos shaped by storms, conflict, or the need to work oceans away. It became clear: this was not just about witnessing people’s struggle—it was about naming the shared conditions that push communities to respond not with silence, but with solidarity.

    During the forum, Samira Gutoc, co-founder of the advocacy group for the rights of internally displaced persons, Ako Bakwit, Inc., reminded the audience that Filipino Muslims have also faced historical erasure and militarized suffering. Drawing Marawi-Gaza and Mindanao-Nakba parallels, she framed Palestine as part of a global pattern of marginalization. Gutoc stressed that hatred is cultivated “through literature, through indoctrination,” and called for educational balance and empathy as paths to peace.

    Haifa Halapit (I, BSMTH) echoed the call in an interview with The LaSallian, urging a deeper and more urgent approach to education campaigns, grounded in “empathy, understanding, and humanity.” From Mindanao to Gaza, the call is the same: don’t look away.

    Commitment beyond witnessing

    The Palestine Collective—co-founded by Assistant Professors Dr. Susan Kurdli of Political Science and Development Studies, Dr. Ma. Angela Labador of Communications, and Dr. Crisanto Regadio Jr. of Sociology and Behavioral Science—was presented as a space for interdisciplinary dialogue. Kurdli underscored that the group’s role is to provide information rather than prescribe viewpoints, while Labador highlighted upcoming refugee-centered research and coursework on empowerment and support. Regadio reaffirmed the collective’s mission of “continuing to provide space for [the voices of Palestinians].

    In a world carved by borders and sustained by silence, the event dared Filipinos to recognize the echoes between Gaza and our own histories—not just to empathize but to act. The question is no longer whether we see but what we will do with what we now know. Silence is no longer neutral; it is a stance. And solidarity is no longer optional—it is a demand.

  • CSO, offices settle payments to Asterisko Coffee amid systemic hurdles, conflicting timelines 

    CSO, offices settle payments to Asterisko Coffee amid systemic hurdles, conflicting timelines 

    In March, The LaSallian revealed unresolved transactions from the 2023 and 2024 iterations of the Lasallian Enrichment Alternative Program (LEAP). Since then, Asterisko Coffee’s dues were resolved as it received its P24,000 revenue this April—nearly ten months after LEAP 2024—while its P5,000 compensation fee was handled separately, according to an employee.

    Although the payment was finally settled, the circumstances behind the delays remain contested. The Council of Student Organizations (CSO) has offered a different account of events. Meanwhile, the Finance and Accounting Office (FAO), the Information Technology Services Office (ITS), and the Office of Student Leadership Involvement, Formation, and Empowerment (SLIFE) have also stepped in to explain their role in the financial process.

    Conflicting timelines

    CSO chairperson for AY 2024-2025 Jilliane Sy explains that the council’s executive vice chairperson for finance was only contacted last February by “someone from the partner’s end.” 

    This contradicts Asterisko Coffee proprietor Paulo Cabildo’s account in the first article, where he provided emails showing that he had followed up with CSO as early as September 13, 2024. Additionally, his staff maintained that they submitted all payment details on time.

    FAO disbursement head Lapurisima Paras appears to support Cabildo’s statement, noting that CSO’s request for payment (RFP) “was not forwarded in BPMS (Business Processing Management Software) for encoding for almost one year.”

    Paras’ records also indicate that CSO only completed the RFP on February 9. Once filed, it entered the BPMS on March 4 and was approved by SLIFE that same day. It was then reviewed by the Office of Student Affairs on March 10 before being forwarded to FAO’s disbursement department on March 20. The check was processed on March 21. 

    “Ganoon po kabilis [ang sistema],” Paras remarks.

    (The system’s that fast.)

    The LaSallian did not seek further comment from CSO on this matter, as the council has since declined interviews with the publication due to supervisory limitations. 

    System responsibilities 

    On paper, the financial process seems straightforward. First, the students must collect the payment details of their external partner and submit these to their supervising office, such as from CSO to SLIFE. That office then inputs the RFP ticket into the BPMS, where it is approved by necessary administrators depending on the amount. Once cleared, the request is transferred to Oracle Fusion, a separate system for FAO to finalize and release the check.

    In practice, however, delays often accumulate before the request even reaches FAO. In the case of Asterisko Coffee, Paras emphasizes that FAO cannot begin processing any transaction unless an RFP ticket has been uploaded into the BPMS, which is overseen by ITS. 

    This arrangement can be challenging for student organizations like CSO, which must depend on SLIFE to review and endorse transactions. Sy also clarifies that CSO cannot access the BPMS directly: “Hence, we rely on SLIFE’s updates for any concerns from FAO.” 

    The lack of transparency makes it easy for requests to languish between offices. SLIFE Director James Laxa concedes that his team has only acted on some cases after issues were flagged externally. “This case of [Asterisko Coffee] was just brought up. I do not properly recall…who [it was] that prompted me to check the status…[but] that was the only time we moved to resolve it immediately,” he admits.

    Complications can also stem from how payments are filed. Paras says that payments must be made under the registered name and bank account of an establishment. But when these are unavailable, some requests end up under a personal name, such as Cabildo’s instead of Asterisko Coffee’s. This can make transactions difficult to track. “Baka nabayaran na natin itong mga hinahanap nila, pero [since] it is under the name of the owner, hindi natin mahanap,” she cautions.

    (We might have paid them already, but since it is under the name of the owner, we can’t find it.)

    Other problems lie in the encoding stage itself. According to BPMS Application Support Developer and Team Lead Keanu Dominado, errors such as incorrect General Ledger codes or incomplete supplier information often cause requests to stall. “Either a request was never made…or a request was never approved,” Dominado conveys. “Or…it may have been submitted, but when we emailed the requester and didn’t get any reply to solve it, we just left it as it is.”  

    Dominado points out that the BPMS is further strained by the sheer volume of submissions. Even on holidays, his team handles the tickets. On rare occasions, a legitimate request is flagged as invalid by the system, forcing FAO to recheck entries manually. “These are the factors that the University doesn’t see because we’re the ones who deal with this firsthand,” he shares.

    Moving forward

    To address these problems, CSO, SLIFE, and relevant offices vow system improvements in their respective areas. CSO has proposed creating an ad hoc committee to track unresolved expenses and has tasked its finance executives to monitor transactions more closely. The council, Sy adds, has held dialogues with the concerned administrative offices to “ease the system for its organizations.” 

    These measures still have inherent limits on the students. “No amount of organizational efforts can sustainably fix the problem that isn’t controlled by CSO in the first place,” Sy comments. “An internal [organizational] system in place can only work optimally with the help of a more systematic administrative process.”

    In a similar light, SLIFE has formed teams to address backlogged requests, as promised in the first article. Laxa will continue requiring completion reports at the end of every LEAP, a longstanding protocol, though he stated that he could not locate those from LEAP 2023 and 2024 as of press time. Through these safeguards, Laxa reiterates his commitment in clearing all delayed payments from past LEAP operations within the year.

    Dominado confirms that an upgraded version of the RFP, particularly on the immediate module users interact with, will be implemented during the third quarter of the year. “We’re implementing a new module along with all the [feedback] given to us,” he shares, promising faster processing as the upgrade gives real-time updates for requesters and approvers. 

    Paras and Laxa both stress that once transactions are properly encoded and routed, their offices can act within expected timelines. The challenge, they maintain, lies in ensuring every stage of the process is initiated and monitored without delays.

    The LaSallian reached out to USG Coordinator Zaldy Dueñas for a statement on the outcome of Jolly Baltazar’s case, which was mentioned in the first article. SLIFE Director James Laxa spoke on his behalf and declined to comment further. The publication also contacted former SLIFE Director Christopher Villanueva regarding these issues that occurred during his tenure, but he has not responded as of press time.

  • A tale of two evils: Lesser evil voting in the Philippines

    A tale of two evils: Lesser evil voting in the Philippines

    Democracy entrusts citizens with the right to vote for candidates that best represent their ideals, but the abundance of unqualified candidates often causes the masses to opt for so-called “lesser evils” and vote against their conscience.

    Voters keep shading the “lesser evil” candidates, a choice that keeps every election stuck in the same dark circle.

    Election watchdog Kontra Daya flagged the majority of the 2025 national and local elections party-list winners with ties to political dynasties, big businesses, and the military. This includes nominees who have pending corruption cases, questionable backgrounds, and ambiguous advocacies. 

    Even candidates with seemingly “clean” backgrounds are not free from controversy. In the 2025 midterm elections, former Commission on Audit Commissioner Heidi Mendoza’s senatorial campaign was embroiled in discord due to her opposition to same-sex marriage, losing many progressive voters who saw her as a “winnable” candidate that does not have ties to corruption or political dynasties.

    Mendoza’s supporters argued that potentially setting back marriage equality, although improper, was a worthwhile concession for fighting corruption. However, her detractors argued that it was a dangerous precedent that would set back the rights of the Filipino LGBTQIA+ community.

    Does the “lesser evil” even exist?

    According to Telibert Laoc, a senior professional lecturer at the Department of Political Science and Development Studies, the concept of a lesser evil in the Philippine context is the product of a “death of talent,” or the scarcity of viable options in every election.

    As a result, voters are often told to be strategic and choose candidates based on their “winnability” or whoever is considered the lesser evil, even if these options do not completely align with their values and principles. 

    “The electoral system itself shapes the behavior of the players, including the voters.” For Laoc, the problem lies in the country’s societal organization, as it is constructed in a binary model that only sees two factions at war, disregarding other possibilities.

    “For me, it’s qualified and not qualified or [less] qualified.” Laoc contends, underscoring the importance of genuinely looking at a candidate’s performance rather than comparing them to those with dirty track records.

    As Mendoza’s stances drew scrutiny from progressives, many voters promoted lesser-known candidates with similar platforms to Mendoza and challenged the binary framework, recognizing their choice to reject candidates who did not fully represent their values and principles.

    To unlearn the system

    “If you have to choose between the lesser evil, then the system has already sucked you… In fact, I am free to not vote if I think the candidates themselves are not worth voting [for].” Telibert declared.

    With such binary thinking being deeply ingrained in Filipino voters, the question remains as to how they must choose in order to see true change in the nation’s political climate.

    Mao Hermitanio of Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas stresses the need for accountability in politics. In a call for change, he critiques voters’ tendencies to favor electability over integrity. 

    “Hindi [puwedeng tayo rin] mag-turn ng blind eye [r]oon sa mga glaring na kamalian sa pangkabuan kung i-coconsider lang natin ay ‘yung winnability,” Hermitanio comments.

    (We also can’t turn a blind eye to those glaring mistakes in the larger picture if we’re only going to consider winnability.) 

    To Jan* (II, ABLIM-CW), research plays a key role in deciding which candidates to vote for. She looked into the top 12 candidates of students from various universities, including DLSU, and identified senatoriables she personally resonated with, while keeping the Filipino masses in mind. 

    This was echoed by Ysa*, a second-year biology student from Ateneo de Manila University. “I ask myself whose advocacies center the everyday Filipino who stands against corruption, not just in words, but through the transparency of their work,” she shared.

    Ysa also mentioned how the country’s first-past-the-post system has shaped our elections’ outcomes, “often lead[ing] to candidates winning based on popularity or name recognition, rather than based on their values and their well-thought-out platforms.” 

    To Ysa, a system that encourages voters to make large concessions so a more “winnable” lesser evil wins is “not a very good way to go about things.”

    From Laoc’s critique of binary politics to Hermitanio’s call for accountability and the younger generation’s push for informed, principled choices, these different perspectives reveal a shared wish to break away from the cycle. But for voters like Jan and Ysa, voting for the lesser evil is an act of desperation, effectively creating the election outcomes known today. 

    The right to vote comes with the obligation to choose wisely. To this day, the concept of lesser evil voting is still deeply ingrained within the country’s electoral system, and it will take some time to overcome it. However, this binary framework is not the be-all and end-all of Philippine democracy; the electorate will always hold the ability to change the tides. As long as citizens yearn for a better nation, change is never far from their reach.

    *Names with asterisks (*) are pseudonyms.

    This article was published in The LaSallian‘s October 2025 issue. To read more, visit bit.ly/TLSOct2025.

  • For Your Information: The Laguna Campus’s new libraries and spaces

    For Your Information: The Laguna Campus’s new libraries and spaces

    The Laguna Campus saw major expansions toward the end of Academic Year 2024-2025, not only receiving a new, state-of-the art building, the Enrique K. Razon Hall, but also a renovation of the John Gokongwei Innovation Center.

    New learning spaces at the Laguna Campus have been opened to cater to the Lasallian community’s academic needs.

    According to Vice President for Laguna Campus Dr. Jonathan Dungca, the facilities were built to develop the campus into an innovation hub of the future and cater to the need for more learning spaces for its unique student body, composed of those from the multidisciplinary School of Innovation and Sustainability (SIS), The Academy, and Integrated School.

    A Learning Commons at Laguna

    A ribbon cutting ceremony on April 24 officially launched the Learning Commons @ Laguna Campus, an expansive library and learning space to match that of the Manila campus at the Henry Sy Sr. Hall. The Laguna counterpart is also significantly larger than the campus’ already existing College Library and Learning Center Library.

    Dungca informed The LaSallian that although Laguna has fewer undergraduate students than the Manila Campus, the demand for study spaces for the Academy and Integrated School had increased. He also emphasized that Lasallians from other campuses can use it for their studies, events, and other endeavors.

    During a tour of the facility, Associate Director for Laguna Libraries Candy Schijf stated that the new Learning Commons is not just meant to be an extension of the Learning Commons in Manila; it highlights the hands-on, multidisciplinary education of the Biñan-based campus. 

    Although the Laguna’s Learning Commons is smaller in scale than Manila’s, Schijf told The LaSallian that it aims to be more “agile,” with integrated classrooms and “makerspace components” to promote its spaces as incubators for collaborations and student projects.

    Additionally, SIS Vice Dean of Student Affairs Nelca Villarin mentioned that the “Laguna version places particular emphasis on sustainability, science and technology integration, and innovation-driven programs.”

    The Innovation Center, after Ubisoft

    After Ubisoft Philippines’ academic partnership with DLSU ended in December 2023, it soon paved the way for the John Gokongwei Innovation Center’s renovations to become the headquarters for the De La Salle University Innovation Hub on June 30.

    The innovation hub is a 50,000-square meter area in the Laguna Campus that was designated as a Knowledge, Innovation, and Science Technology (KIST) Ecozone last August 1. KISTs are economic zones within educational institutions that support science and technology-based start-ups and spin-offs.

    According to Dungca, the new Innovation Labs provide students access to specialized equipment and resources that support the prototyping, testing, and refinement of new technologies. 

    “With facilities such as 3D printers and sophisticated AI-powered simulation software, teams can rapidly develop and experiment with their designs in a collaborative, hands-on setting, accelerating the innovation process,” the Vice President shared. He added that the center could also be used to hold various workshops and events.

    What the students think

    The new facilities have been received well by the students at the Laguna Campus. Charmis Lane Adriano (III, BSIET-AD2) shared that fact after the addition of the Enrique K. Razon Jr. Hall, “There is a comfortable space for everyone. It is refreshing to use the new facilities for studying.”

    Meanwhile, Precious Tatianpact (III, BSBIO-MED) described the new Learning Commons as a “game changer” and that “the modern facilities make studying much more enjoyable (especially in our major subject; more collaborative),” in a message sent to The LaSallian. “The natural light streaming in from the large windows really boosts my mood and keeps me energized while I study,” Tatianpact detailed.

    Villarin says the development of the new library is modeled after the Manila Campus, but with considerations for the Laguna Campus’s unique focuses. To Dungca, the new developments highlight the Laguna Campus’ unique learning culture, focused on interdisciplinary research and alternative learning methods stating: “At the Laguna Campus, we recognize that learning extends beyond traditional classroom settings.” 

    ERRATUM: November 11, 2025
    An earlier version of the article incorrectly referred to The Academy, DLSU’s Senior High School, as the Academy Lane, the admissions program for students in The Academy. The publication has since corrected the error and apologizes for the oversight.

    This article was published in The LaSallian‘s October 2025 issue. To read more, visit bit.ly/TLSOct2025.

  • EXPLAINER: When will DLSU actually suspend classes—will they ever?

    EXPLAINER: When will DLSU actually suspend classes—will they ever?

    As the country contends with frequent calamities, DLSU students are left with no choice but to tend to academic responsibilities even under adverse circumstances. These controversial decisions have caused the community to question the University’s policy on the decision to shift online or suspend classes altogether.

    Since 2024, the Learning Continuity Plan (LCP), as released by the Office of the Provost, has been used as a guide for class suspensions and modality shifts. The policy’s goal is to minimize drastic changes in the academic calendar while maximizing learning even under suboptimal conditions. However, a year later, the same office has drawn criticism for its unclear implementation of the plan.

    Despite government-mandated class suspensions, the Provost would often override these directives, announcing that in-person classes at the Manila Campus would shift online instead. Many pointed out that this contradicts Section 1.10.1.2 of the Student Handbook, which states classes are automatically suspended when declared by government agencies. However, the Provost has clarified to The LaSallian that the LCP supersedes the Student Handbook. 

    DLSU’s constant shift to online modality during calamities leaves majority of the students behind.

    Between policy and practice

    Under the LCP’s August 2025 provisions, typhoons, flooding, or earthquakes would warrant a Category 5 class suspension, as these events would cause significant power or connectivity disruption. Yet in the past months, the University has repeatedly shifted classes online instead of suspending them.  

    The University Student Government (USG) has attempted numerous times to appeal these controversial decisions, echoing distress from the student body. On September 25, the USG filed an appeal to the Provost, urging the administration to either implement a full class suspension or shift to asynchronous learning due to expected heavy rains and flooding from Severe Tropical Storm Opong. During this period, students have reported difficulties with poor internet connectivity and flooding in their respective areas. Yet, these appeals were either denied or left unanswered.

    Balancing safety and learning

    In an interview with The LaSallian, Provost and Vice President for Academics Dr. Robert Roleda discussed the processes of determining which protocol should be followed.

    Roleda says that if in-person classes are suspended, but conditions still allow for online classes, then continuing classes virtually would be the most ideal course of action.

    “Safety, of course, is not so much of an issue if the student is already at home doing online classes, right?” Roleda remarks.

    He also notes that while a broad criterion guides the choice of learning modality, its implementation must always be grounded in the actual situation. If a weather forecast indicates potential risks, the suspension of face-to-face classes may be considered to ensure students’ safety. Conversely, if the condition changes and online classes are no longer justifiable, a full suspension is warranted.

    “Once you are online already, you’re already supposed to be safe at home, so safety is no longer the primary consideration. Although when there’s flooding, of course, safety [should be considered] again. When you are online already, calling [classes] off can be done quickly,” he explains.

    Despite these considerations, many students complain that the chosen continuity plan did not fit their circumstances. When classes shifted online in July 2025 because of heavy rains that hit Metro Manila, former USG Vice President for Internal Affairs Josel Bautista recalled that their constituency check garnered around 3,000 responses, with over half saying they were affected by the severe weather. Some also reported lacking necessities such as food, water, electricity, and internet, which hampered their ability to attend online classes. Still, the University pushed through with online classes.

    The cost of continuity

    The academic calendar often bears the brunt of disruptions during suspensions. Roleda justified that because the suspensions last July occurred near the finals week, there was little room to adjust the academic calendar, and it was better to have students meet their professors before the finals, prompting the shift to alternative modalities. 

    Even with similar circumstances unfolding last September, Roleda says that completely suspending classes would have postponed the first week of the second trimester in January to allow sufficient time for enrollment, and since there was no significant disruption in power or internet connectivity, shifting online was feasible, eliminating the need for the administration to consider extending the trimester.

    “Fortunately for us, during [the] suspensions in September, there was not really heavy rain [and it was] something [that could be] addressed by simply calling off in-person classes [and continuing] online learning,” he contends.

    Meanwhile, USG President Lara Capps expresses that learning should not come at the expense of student welfare. “Not all students have the same privilege in accessing resources… if their priority is our academics and how we will learn, [then shifting to] online classes [is] not the best decision [as] there are students who risk [their] learning because they can’t participate properly,” she voices out.

    On the ground, many students share this sentiment for clear guidelines. Averymae Fernandez (V, BSA) echoed the need for clearer instructions and provisions from the administration, noting that the guidelines remain vague, and that it appears that the administration is only searching for loopholes when choosing which learning method to implement. 

    Capps shares that the USG is currently proposing revisions to the student handbook regarding class suspensions, to protect student welfare with guidelines for missed submissions during days with inclement weather, regardless of whether a full suspension or shift to online is implemented.

    While the provisions do not restrict them from conducting online classes, the Provost should further evaluate the LCP to ensure its effectiveness and responsiveness to student needs, rather than expecting them to be somewhat resilient and take advantage of their privileges. Capps reiterates, “Hindi nakikita ng University that there are students who are less privileged than others [and] they should see that not all students have the same situations when they implement these types of suspensions in the University.” 

    (The University does not see that…)

    While students are urged to remain resilient during challenging times, not all students enjoy the same privileges in accessing the essential resources they need for continuous learning. After all, the Provost must consider these inequalities because meaningful education cannot thrive with policies that overlook the balance between institutional goals and overall well-being..

    In the end, when the preservation of the academic calendar outweighs the realities faced by the community, resilience becomes less a virtue and more of a necessity, raising the issue of whether the administration prioritizes student welfare.

    This article was published in The LaSallian‘s October 2025 issue. To read more, visit bit.ly/TLSOct2025.

  • Loading… still: Why DLSU’s enlistment struggles persist

    Loading… still: Why DLSU’s enlistment struggles persist

    For years, enlistment has been a recurring stressor for the student body. Students suffer through long wait times, server crashes, and limited slots to secure their desired courses. But beyond the technical frustrations lies deeper concerns: a troubling pattern of accusations of grade inflation, inequitable access to quality instruction, and a growing sense that policy and pedagogy are falling short. 

    An old problem in a new term

    What should be a straightforward process often turns into a race against time and a struggle with overloaded servers and technical glitches. During online enlistment, students often take to social media with complaints, memes, and calls for improvements. 

    The LaSallian reached out to the Office of the University Registrar in May 2025 on the enlistment processes and the ongoing system overhaul, “Project Ascension.” 

    Criscel Lamsin, Project Manager for the Student Life Cycle Domain under Project Ascension, explained that they intend to resolve existing issues by transitioning from on-premise servers to a cloud-based platform by late 2025. The Student Life Cycle Domain encompasses the digital platforms of the University that manage the various aspects of a student’s journey from admissions to graduation.

    “The move… will help us better manage high volumes of transactions, especially during peak enrollment periods,” said Lamsin in an email response. She further added that the initiative began with a process redesign exercise that prioritized improving student experience and documenting clearer system requirements.

    Students and offices have collectively acknowledged that Animo.Sys continues to cause recurring issues. However, concrete details on the Project Ascension have remained limited, with the publication only being informed of its general objectives.

    The Information Technology Services Office (ITS) has been repeatedly contacted by The LaSallian between May and October 2025 for their response, but has not replied at the time of writing. 

    More than just queues

    Beyond technical errors, the process has also revealed deeper academic and cultural issues within the community. The growing competition to get into classes with highly rated professors has intensified the scramble for slots.

    It is  common knowledge among students that schedules are planned strategically by choosing the most sought-after faculty members. The culture of enlisting classes with “easy 4.0s” or lenient professors makes enlistment more than a matter of access, but also a competition for academic advantage.

    DLSU enlistment woes continue to haunt students as they face waves of system delays and crashes every term.

    The USG’s role in enlistment reform

    The Office of the Vice President for Internal Affairs (OVPIA) and the Office of the President (OPRES) have been actively involved in the Enrollment Council, where they air out student concerns.

    “We always cascade a post-enlistment survey to evaluate [the] students’ experiences during the [enlistment] process,” said Josel Bautista, former Vice President for Internal Affairs, about his tenure. 

    Beyond surveys, the University Student Government (USG) also coordinated with the college officers through real-time feedback channels last Academic Year (AY), where students actively report issues that they encounter during the enlistment. The USG then forwards these concerns to the appropriate administrative offices.

    Since Term 2 of AY 2024–2025, the OVPIA collaborated with the ITS to address recurring server and connectivity problems. Part of their initiative involved opening computer laboratories during the term break to aid Lasallians with their enlistment. Bautista explained that, “since the computer labs… have a sort of a more secure connection in line with the server, [there is a] higher chance or a better way of entering the server.”

    Next steps

    While technological upgrades remain central to the enlistment reform, the USG emphasized the need for a more equitable slot allocation system. “[There should be] a better way to secure the slots of the students,” noted Bautista, adding that irregular, transferee, and graduating students often face the most difficulty in acquiring slots.

    Although concerns about grading practices and workload of certain professors go beyond the enlistment process, the USG views them as interconnected factors with the existing academic inequity caused by the course enlistment. 

    It was also mentioned that improving professor evaluation methods is related to the enlistment process, particularly students’ preference for certain professors. The USG, in collaboration with the Academic Support for Instructional Services and Technology, launched a streamlined faculty evaluation system that will be done through AnimoSpace in Term 1 of AY 2024-2025.

    As Project Ascension remains under work and the USG continues to be at the forefront of advancing student welfare, it is pivotal for the University to recognize that technological improvements only address a portion of a greater problem caused by the enlistment system. For now, students remain hopeful that ongoing changes will lead to a streamlined and equitable process that will no longer make enlistment a test of patience and a race for preferred professors.

    This article was published in The LaSallian‘s October 2025 issue. To read more, visit bit.ly/TLSOct2025.

  • DLSU organizations, SLIFE, settle two-year debt with concessionaire Perico’s Grill

    DLSU organizations, SLIFE, settle two-year debt with concessionaire Perico’s Grill

    Amid a series of debt and promises, the University continues to deal with bottlenecks that cause pending payments toward its concessionaires. 

    Last June 19, Jean Ponce (II, BSMS-CS) was denied a catering request after offering to pay Perico’s Grill (Perico’s) for its service after it was fulfilled. He was told that Perico’s only accepts upfront payments “because of debts incurred by many student organizations.” 

    “What about us?” 

    Inquiries with the concessionaire revealed that the Office of Student Leadership Involvement, Formation, and Empowerment (SLIFE) and various student organizations under the Council of Student Organizations (CSO) have had an outstanding balance of P170,050, which was only settled last September, over two years after the first charge was made. This delay stemmed from lapses in leadership turnover. When organization officers end their terms, some graduate without closing all financial transactions. Successors are expected to settle what remains, but these often go unaddressed.

    Perico’s owner Jose Marimla shared that when they tried to follow up on the payments, they often discovered that the student officer who had availed of their services could no longer be reached. “I would not want to compromise the goodwill that we have between different organizations and Perico’s Grill,” he remarked. 

    The LaSallian reached out to SLIFE Director James Laxa for a comment regarding the outstanding balance. He reiterated the office’s commitment to “fulfilling all financial obligations at the soonest time possible.” 

    Albeit late, SLIFE fulfilled the promises on their end with Perico’s Grill. 

    After two years on the tab, a long-overdue payment finally serves Perico’s Grill what it has been starved of.

    Before receiving the payment, Marimla recounted the struggles they went through when it came to contacting the offices and responsible officers. The business had also asked for assistance in tracing the students who had secured their catering in the past, but the common response was that “the officer was no longer enrolled in the institution.” 

    “Paano na kami?” Marimla said. 

    (What about us?) 

    Assistant administrator Janice Tanyo added that when they followed up with the responsible organizations and office, they were informed that the matter should have been coordinated with the student or the organization that placed the order.  

    “Paano namin [magagawa] ‘yun? Kung ‘yung ibang students ‘di na rin nakikipag-communicate sa amin, kasi nga graduate [na] ‘yung iba.” 

    (How can we do that when the other students do not even communicate with us anymore, because the others have already graduated?) 

    According to Marimla, collections typically take one to two months, but this particular case “took some time.” It became a weekly routine for them to follow up on the payments of the different clients they had rendered service to. Tanyo added that daily operations, including catering and the cafeteria on the second floor of the Enrique M. Razon Sports Center, were heavily impacted. “Uutangin [pa] namin sa supplier para [lang] makapagtinda [kami],” she stated.

    (We’ll borrow from the supplier so that we can sell.) 

    One step forward, two steps back 

    To prevent similar incidents, Marimla said that Perico’s Grill will no longer accept non-upfront payments. “For organizations, now, we require down payments. Otherwise, we cannot cater [to] their request,” he affirmed.

    The LaSallian sought comment from CSO on the matter, but the council has since declined interviews with the publication due to supervisory limitations. 

    Meanwhile, the University Student Government (USG) acknowledged that it also experiences bureaucratic logjams, but internal processes keep operations in check. 

    “[The] USG has protocols in place for turnovers to the next officer with mandates for proper handover of resources, documents, and information, and corresponding penalties for noncompliance, all found within our laws,” former Secretary Denise Lauren stated.

    Lauren detailed that officers are given sufficient terms to complete necessary tasks and that the USG works closely with SLIFE in “aligning shared efforts to prevent such issues from escalating, making sure that student needs are met through proactive measures.” 

    Despite these shared efforts to prevent lapses, pending payments force concessionaries to continue operations while chasing after organizations with debts owed to them. The University, in turn, has been no stranger to delayed payments and logjams, improper leadership transitions, and the lack of student accountability. 

    Former Dean of Student Affairs Dr. Christine Ballada stated in a previous interview with The LaSallian that finance executives who vacate their posts in the mid-term often cause complications due to the lack of proper turnover even in the University’s administration. This mirrors the challenges faced by student organizations whose officers graduate without settling their responsibilities. 

    In another interview with The LaSallian, Laxa said his office has created teams to focus on financial documentation and overdue payments to different departments and vendors before the year ends. Yet, the question remains: how much does the University still owe its concessionaires—and how many have stopped pursuing what is owed to them?

    ERRATUM: November 18, 2025
    An earlier version of the article incorrectly referred to James Laxa as the former SLIFE director, when he is still in office. The publication has since corrected the error and apologizes for the oversight.

    This article was published in The LaSallian‘s October 2025 issue. To read more, visit bit.ly/TLSOct2025.